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    Identity politics gaining ground in West Bengal ahead of assembly polls

    March 2, 2021By Priya Saha
    By Pradipta Tapadar

    Kolkata, Mar 2 (PTI) With the stage set for high-
    octane polls in West Bengal, key stakeholders here asserted
    that the state, in a departure from the tradition, will be
    witnessing a communally charged election this time, largely
    driven by identity politics.

    Bengal, where the electoral discourse has mostly
    steered clear of divisive agenda, has been drawn into the
    vortex with the TMC and the BJP accusing each other of fanning
    communal sentiments ahead of elections.

    The entry of the newly formed Indian Secular Front
    (ISF) led by Abbas Siddiqui, who became the first religious
    leader in West Bengal to take the plunge into politics, has,
    however, upturned several political equations, propelling the
    campaign of religious identity-based politics in the state.

    “This time, assembly elections will be different from
    the ones we have witnessed since independence. The BJP has
    long been trying to create divisions among the communities.
    But we will fight against it and work to unite people,” senior
    TMC leader and MP Sougata Roy said.

    The saffron leadership, too, agreed that communal
    polarisation was on the rise in the state, but blamed
    appeasement politics by the TMC for its upsurge.

    “For us, the election plank happens to be ”development
    for all”. That said, appeasement politics and injustice
    towards the state”s majority community by the TMC government
    has indeed led to communal polarisation in Bengal,” BJP state
    president Dilip Ghosh said.

    Echoing him, BJP leader Tathagata Roy said Partition
    scars and the upswing of Muslim identity politics in Bengal
    have deepened the communal fault-lines.

    The opposition Congress, on its part, trained guns on
    both the TMC and the BJP for fomenting divisive politics — a
    practice almost alien to the state”s political landscape.

    CPI (M) politburo member Mohammed Salim, however,
    stressed that the narrative wouldn”t yield any result as
    masses are “fed up with the misrule” of the TMC and the BJP at
    the state and the Centre respectively.

    “Had communal narrative been at play in the past
    (during CPI-M rule), people would have seen saffron camp and
    other fundamentalist forces gaining ground back then. But that
    was not the case. True, this time parties are playing the
    communal card, but issues concerning common people such as
    fuel price hike, corruption and unemployment will negate its
    influence to a large extent,” he said.

    Elections in Bengal, poised to be a stiff contest
    between the TMC and the BJP, will be held in eight phases,
    beginning with polling for 30 seats on March 27. Votes will be
    counted on May 2.

    Since Independence, polls in the state, which boasts
    of being the cradle of the Indian renaissance, have always
    been fought along ideological lines, with matters related to
    government policies, unemployment and food security taking
    centre stage.

    Sources in the BJP claimed that the TMC government”s
    failure to control communal riots over the last six years has
    angered not just a section of the minorities, but also those
    belonging to the majority community.

    According to the data released by the Union home
    ministry in 2018, communal violence increased sharply since
    2015 in West Bengal.

    Although opposition parties pinned the blame on the
    TMC for this surge in religious fervour in the state, which
    has 30 per cent Muslim electorate, a quick look at Bengal”s
    socio-political history will reflect how communalism has
    always had an impact on the state”s political culture, with
    hundreds of people having borne the brunt of riots in 1946-47.

    Both the Hindu right and fringe Muslim outfits had
    wielded considerable influence in violence-hit West Bengal in
    the aftermath of Partition, before waning considerably over
    the years.

    During the first assembly polls in 1952, the Hindu
    Mahasabha, along with Bharatiya Jana Sangh, had won 13 seats
    and garnered around eight per cent of the total votes.

    Later, Jana Sangh”s influence ebbed, as it ended up
    with only one seat in 1967 and 1971.

    Similarly, Muslim outfits such as the Progressive
    Muslim League (PML) and the Indian Union Muslim League (IUML)
    had established its presence in pockets, with the PML winning
    three seats in 1969 assembly polls, and IUML bagging a single
    seat during 1972 and 1977 assembly polls.

    “Although parties like the IUML, PML and the Bharatiya
    Jana Sangh managed to bag a few seats till the seventies, poll
    campaigns did not bank on communal narrative. Development
    issues and anti-state or anti-Centre plank always took
    precedence,” veteran Congress leader Abdul Mannan Said.

    During the early sixties, however, the rise of the
    Left parties, who fought for the rights of refugees from
    Bangladesh, ended the consolidation of rightwing forces in the
    state.

    Noted Historian Sugata Bose contended that refugees
    from Bangladesh felt cheated both by the Congress and the
    Hindu Mahasabha when the country endured Partition, and they
    took solace in the Left”s fold.

    “Refugees from Bangladesh and Bengali Muslims were
    more aligned to the Left. Therefore, the communal rhetoric
    never gained momentum in Bengal. The state never witnessed
    such divisive politics as is the practice now,” Bose, Gardiner
    Professor of oceanic history at Harvard University, told PTI.

    Poll observers believe that the Left had been able to
    maintain a balance between communities, a practice that the
    TMC could not hold on to.

    “Bengal always had the ingredients fit for polarising
    its society. Not just the state”s high minority population,
    the influx of refugees from Bangladesh — both during 1947
    Partition and 1971 Liberation war – have also been a major
    factor,” political analyst Biswanath Chakraborty said.

    The politically crucial Matuas and Namashudras, who
    had fled from Bangladesh due to religious persecution, voted
    for the Left for decades, before shifting lock stock and
    barrel to the BJP during the last Lok Sabha polls, following
    the promise of citizenship under a newly amended law.

    The TMC feels the ISF”s entry into Bengal”s poll arena
    will further deepen the divide and help the BJP by eating into
    the ruling party”s Muslim vote base.

    “The ISF may not win seats but will widen the communal
    divide further. It could cause harm to the TMC by cutting into
    our Muslim votes and further pushing the Hindus towards the
    BJP,” a senior leader of the Mamata Banerjee camp said.

    BJP leader Tathagatha Roy said the assertion of Muslim
    identity in Bengal politics, a comparatively new concept for
    the present generation, will consolidate Hindu votes.

    Siddiqui, however, denied the allegations and said he
    has entered politics to fight for the rights of the minorities
    and backward communities, a cause which the mainstream
    political parties have neglected so far.

    The BJP, apart from the development plank, has been
    harping on the issue of illegal immigration and the promise of
    citizenship to refugees, whereas the TMC has been largely
    focusing on the insider-outsider debate to take on the saffron
    camp. PTI PNT
    RMS RMS



    Disclaimer :- This story has not been edited by Outlook staff and is auto-generated from news agency feeds. Source: PTI


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    Priya Saha
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    Executive Director at Human Rights Congress for Bangladesh Minorities | Priya Saha is the Executive Director of Human Rights Congress for Bangladesh Minorities (HRCBM). HRCBM is an NGO in Special Consultative Status with the Economic and Social Council of the United Nations.

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